Greece
Source: moderndiplomacy.eu

From Cooperation to Confrontation: BRICS and the Global South’s Bid for a New World Order
BRICS represents more than a symbol of cooperation. It is actively engaged in a geopolitical chessboard that shapes today’s global economy.

States no longer employ war as a tool to achieve their goals. Preferring to utilize more peaceful methods, states employ it to pursue highly consequential objectives. BRICS serves as a manifestation of this notion. The emergence of BRICS increasingly challenges the Global North. The establishment of this cooperation reflects the efforts of the Global South to alter the global order and break free from the long-standing dominance of the Global North.

BRICS represents more than a symbol of cooperation. It is actively engaged in a geopolitical chessboard that shapes today’s global economy. Gradually yet steadily, it is shifting the global balance of power through the strength it has accumulated. This is evident in the growing interest among developing countries to join the group.

Led by two major powers perceived as threats to the Global North, China and Russia hold substantial leadership roles. China dominates the global economic landscape and poses a challenge not only to the United States but also to Europe. The European Union consistently asserts that China is a rival in the renewable energy sector, particularly in electric vehicles. Russia, on the other hand, holds significant energy leverage over Europe and poses a geopolitical challenge to NATO, which is led by the United States. The development of this cooperation is further reinforced by the accession of strategically significant global actors such as Iran and the United Arab Emirates, with their vast oil reserves; Ethiopia, with its port access; and Egypt, with its strategic geographic position in relation to the West.

The inclusion of these countries further destabilizes the seemingly absolute dominance of the Global North.

Power has long been synonymous with the realist approach, which is grounded in strength.

However, the definition of strength and power has evolved. Power is no longer solely defined in terms of military capability or weaponry. In today’s global context, power is also measured by a state’s influence in shaping the rules of the game. Cooperation serves as the foundation of this new form of power.

BRICS leverages this expanded notion of power and influence. It builds coalitions to undermine dominance not by overt force, but by subtly shifting the balance—leaving its opponents unaware that a transformation is underway. BRICS undoubtedly presents a substantial challenge to the Global North’s dominance. In response, Western countries have adopted equally measured diplomatic strategies aimed at undermining BRICS from within.

During a G7 summit, former U.S. President Donald Trump expressed regret over Russia’s removal from the G7 following its annexation of Crimea in 2014.

“I would say that was a mistake, because I think you wouldn’t have a war right now if Russia were still in, and you wouldn’t have a war right now if Trump had been president four years ago.”
Trump also did not object to the possibility of China joining the G7, stating:

“Well, it’s not a bad idea. I don’t mind that. If someone wants to suggest China joining, I think we should suggest it, but you want people you can talk to,” he added.

At first glance, these remarks appear to suggest a constructive approach to U.S.–China relations. However, upon closer examination, they may be interpreted as part of a broader strategic effort to weaken U.S. involvement in China’s global agenda.

This statement illustrates the extent to which the Global North powers are monitoring and responding to the actions of two principal BRICS members—China and Russia—as part of their efforts to undermine alliances among the Global South countries. Beyond these two core members, the G7 extended invitations to three strategically important BRICS countries—India, South Africa, and Brazil—to attend the forum as guest participants. This move represents a calculated geopolitical effort by the Global North to engage selectively with the Global South actors on the international stage.

In early July 2025, BRICS convened a summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from 6–7 July. The summit was attended by all member states, including Indonesia as the newest addition to the group. Amid widespread global instability, the summit focused on pressing international issues, particularly those concerning the global economy and sanctions imposed by the United States. The meeting also addressed and condemned the Israel–U.S. military action against Iran, characterizing it as a violation of international law. These discussions served to foster a shared perspective and unity among BRICS members, with the expressed objective of challenging and dismantling systemic dominance.

The global chessboard, once governed exclusively by the most powerful Global North actors, is now being gradually redefined by emerging powers. These new actors, having grown weary of external direction, are seeking to establish their own platforms for influence and victory.

In conclusion, cooperation may serve as a strategic instrument for gaining power—one that cannot be easily condemned by any state. It represents the power to shape a new world order. Moreover, cooperation can also function as a tool for existing powers to engage with emerging actors and potentially undermine them from within the very system those new actors have established. Thus, cooperation in this context is not merely a symbol of unity but a form of conflict—one that is waged without conventional weaponry or the noise of warfare, yet still aimed at securing or contesting global dominance. Whether that dominance is preserved or overtaken remains the central struggle.

Qatar
Source: mecouncil.org

Heads of state and government of member, partner, and external engagement countries pose for a family photo during the BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on July 7, 2025. (Photo by Pablo PORCIUNCULA / AFP)

While there have been marked criticisms from outside the partnership, the 2025 BRICS+ Leaders Summit, held on 6-7 July 2025 and including its new Middle East and North Africa-based members, was a quiet success for host country Brazil and those member states focused on leveraging the partnership to secure better terms of trade and more equitable access to finance and investment. Over the course of the summit, members adopted 126 resolutions on a range of issues, from the regulation of international finance to climate change to regulating artificial intelligence (AI). They announced an expansion of economic development resources and agreed to the launch of a BRICS Multilateral Guarantees Initiative—modeled after the World Bank’s Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA)—to provide political risk insurance for infrastructure projects. And they reiterated their shared goal of reforming international financial institutions to ensure greater fairness in access to finance and their collective commitment to multilateralism and international cooperation through a rules-based international order. 

These substantive yet understated outcomes stand in marked contrast with the conclusion of last year’s summit, where, perhaps buoyed by the confidence of an expanding membership, BRICS+ projected an image of assertively taking on the United States to counter its dominance of global trade and replace the dollar as the primary trade and reserve currency. Moreover, with Donald Trump now in power and determined to wreak havoc on global trading partnerships through an aggressive tariff policy—which is increasingly focused on BRICS and its member states—this year’s summit stood out in the maturity of its focus. Indeed, as Trump stepped up his attacks this week by imposing high tariffs on Brazil—which incidentally maintains a trade deficit with the U.S.—it is the boring, steady, mature work of institution building and partnership development that will build up BRICS as a global competitor to the U.S.-dominated global trading system.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE), as a new BRICS member, and Saudi Arabia, as a perspective member, likely had an important role in setting the tone for this year’s summit. Both see potential in the partnership as they seek to expand their economic relationships with Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and they have experimented with selling oil to several of these countries without employing the dollar as a vehicle for exchange. This gradual de-dollarization of oil is allowing the UAE and Saudi Arabia to diversify their reserve holdings and decrease the costs of trade with BRICS partners. However, the Gulf states differ from other BRICS members in that they come to the partnership as economically stable high-income countries and, due to reserve holdings and the pricing of most oil and gas exports in dollars, have a decided economic interest in the strength of the U.S. dollar—not to mention their historical relationship with the United States and the security umbrella it provides. 

Most non-Gulf BRICS members—with the notable exception of India—continue to press for an alternative to the dollar in trade and finance, one that reduces their dependence on the dollar and the susceptibility of their economies to U.S. economic policy and sanctions. There are interesting developments in this regard. Overall, demand for the dollar is down as investors and central banks seek to balance against a growing sense of risk associated with Trump’s trade policy, U.S. deficits and growing pressure on the independence of the Federal Reserve. Meanwhile, demand for precious metals and other hard currencies like the Euro has grown. 

Although BRICS may have stepped back from aggressively seeking to topple the dollar as the primary international currency, it is continuing to explore ways to streamline cross-border payments between BRICS partners. Early proposals focused on using the Chinese renminbi or cryptocurrencies for trade between members. There is growing support behind a proposal to creates a common BRICS currency based on a basket of gold reserves and member currencies. 

Even there, however, progress will prove challenging. Currencies maintained by the largest BRICS economies are highly controlled by central banks, are manipulated by governments to encourage exports, and are generally not traded internationally. This undermines any real demand for those currencies against the readily exchangeable dollar. Moreover, establishing a shared currency for cross-border payments will still require significant coordination between BRICS members’ central banks that will, in turn, take away the ability of each central bank to independently take steps to devalue their currencies or otherwise use monetary or exchange rate policy to effect domestic economic changes. 

There are also broader concerns about the long-term viability of BRICS as an economic partnership. While together the members account for over 40 percent of the global economy and 25 percent of trade, most BRICS countries are struggling to realize sustainable growth and employment. China, for example, is positioned as a global economic superpower, but it struggles with the inefficiencies of a state-led economic system and an ongoing real estate crisis. Other large BRICS countries suffer from structural issues that undermine growth and productivity and employment generation. 

Furthermore, geopolitical tensions—including those between BRICS partners such as India and China or Iran and the UAE—threaten the foundations of the initiative. Part of the attraction of BRICS for countries like China and Russia may be the pressure it puts on the United States—leaving room to wonder whether a more sensible BRICS framework would be of less value to them (some analysts read this into the failure of Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin to make it to this year’s summit).
For MENA countries that have committed to BRICS or that are considering membership, the economic bloc provides useful opportunities without requiring members to push aggressively into uncertain areas or to drop the economic interests they already have with the United States. Faced with mounting debt, for instance, Egypt gains alternatives to continued borrowing from Washington-based international finance institutions and access to new markets to grow its export capacity. Iran will likely benefit from increased trade and investment while circumventing U.S. economic sanctions.

For Saudi Arabia, as a prospective member, and the UAE, BRICS offers less direct but perhaps more important gains in terms of balancing engagement with a diversified set of economic and strategic partners. Importantly, for all MENA BRICS members, the maturation of the economic bloc seen at the 2025 summit ensures that they have an alternative framework within which they can work towards mutual economic benefit with like-minded countries in an increasingly complex and fragile global environment. 

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Middle East Council on Global Affairs.


Issue: Great Power Competition

India
Source: chintan.indiafoundation.in

As a multipolar world replaces Washington’s brief unipolar moment, the once formidable NATO is losing steam....The Global South is ready to break the shackles of Western hegemony.
Sandhya Jain

US President Donald Trump’s threat of punitive tariffs against members of the BRICS grouping for their alleged moves against the US dollar (de-dollarization) overlooks the fact that while no formal mechanism has been launched to create a rival currency, the group is increasingly trading in national currencies. Russian deputy foreign minister, Sergei Ryabkov, clarified that there are no moves to replace the dollar, and “anyone who says so only wants to ‘exert political and psychological pressure on BRICS members’”. (July 19, 2025) However, he pointed out that Moscow makes over 90% of all payments with BRICS partners in national currencies.

In fairness, it may be pointed out that the Brazilian President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, had mooted a separate BRICS currency in 2023, but the idea never took off. However, as BRICS officially surpasses the G-7 in the size of its economy, the use of national currencies, ignoring the dollar, is unlikely to be reversed.

The US, however, irked at the rise of BRICS, announced several deterrent and protectionist measures including strict tariffs on the member countries. All the member states denounced “the rise of unjustified unilateral protectionist measures” and Washington’s raising of “indiscriminate” tariffs.
The 17th BRICS summit at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (July 06-07, 2025) aimed at enhancing the autonomy of the Global South – “Strengthening cooperation among the countries of the South for more inclusive and sustainable governance” – amidst growing rivalry between the United States and China. As a multipolar world replaces Washington’s brief unipolar moment, the once formidable NATO is losing steam as the Western economies struggle to meet Ukraine’s demands for weaponry in its war with Russia.

At Rio, the BRICS expanded to eleven nations and nine partners, who together represent nearly half of the world’s population, contribute approximately 40% of global GDP (G7 less than 29%) and more than 50% of global economic growth, surpassing the G7 in purchasing power parity. It seeks to reform global governance and supports economic integration through the New Development Bank and the cross-border payment system dominated by the West.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, who addressed the summit via videoconference, observed that the “unipolar system of international relations… is being replaced by a more just, multipolar world,” and added that the global economic order was also being transformed. Putin said the liberal globalization model is losing its heft and the epicentre of economic activity is shifting to emerging markets.

Brazil President Lula pointed out the groups economic heft, stating that BRICS countries hold 84% of the world’s rare earths, 65% of manganese, and 63% of graphite”. It is pertinent that around the time of the summit, the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum eclipsed the G7, thus pushing the geopolitical centre of gravity to the Global South.

At Rio, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi focused on politics and security, economics and finance, cultural and humanitarian affairs, and elaborated New Delhi’s position on global and regional issues with emphasis on the fight against international terrorism. He drew attention to the recent terrorist attack in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. This condemnation was included in the summit’s final declaration.

Emphasising commitment to the multipolar world order, Modi assumed the presidency for the BRICS 2026 summit and proposed cooperation and collaboration in critical sectors, including digital education access and agriculture, through the establishment of the BRICS Science and Research Repository. The group was urged to embrace a demand-driven policy to guarantee the long-term financial sustainability of the BRICS projects.

Russia proposed the creation of a new BRICS investment platform to give the member states an opportunity for mutual development. This laid the foundation for a potential Global South and Global East cooperation and coordination. Russia is set to host Intervision, a famous international television singing contest that BRICS member and partner states are keen to participate, to promote their shared cultural, spiritual, and family values.

Chinese Prime Minister Li Qiang mooted greater cooperation in sectors such as green economy, digital economy, aerospace, and sci-tech innovation. He emphasized BRICS cooperation on other multilateral forums like the G20, the Eurasian Economic Union, the United Nations, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, and the African Union.

Political analyst Abbas Hashemite noted that the inclusion of Indonesia as the new member state and Bolivia, Belarus, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Malaysia, Thailand, Uganda, Vietnam, and Uzbekistan as partner states is evidence of the increasing popularity of the BRICS. It suggests that the Global South is ready to break the shackles of Western hegemony.

References:

• The BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro symbolizes a geopolitical shift away from the West, Mohamed Lamine KABA, July 07, 2025.

https://journal-neo.su/2025/07/07/the-brics-summit-in-rio-de-janeiro-symbolizes-a-geopolitical-shift-away-from-the-west

• Rio de Janeiro Summit: Strengthening Multilateralism in the Face of U.S. Pressure, Abbas Hashemite, July 11, 2025.

https://journal-neo.su/2025/07/11/rio-de-janeiro-summit-strengthening-multilateralism-in-the-face-of-u-s-pressure

• On Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to five African and South American countries. Part 1, Anvar Azimov, July 10, 2025.

https://journal-neo.su/2025/07/10/on-indian-prime-minister-narendra-modis-recent-visit-to-five-african-and-south-american-countries-part-1

• On the new foreign tour of the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi: Brazil and Namibia. Part 2, Anvar Azimov, July 11, 2025.

https://journal-neo.su/2025/07/11/on-the-new-foreign-tour-of-the-prime-minister-of-india-narendra-modi-brazil-and-namibia-part-2

China
Source: www.chinadaily.com.cn

Rising global economic uncertainties and slowing global growth have intensified calls for reforming the International Monetary Fund. The Joint Declaration of the 17th BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, reiterated the grouping's call for IMF reform, especially on quota distribution and management appointments. BRICS has sought the establishment of a new system which would more accurately reflect the global economic landscape and increase the representation of developing countries in the IMF's decision-making process.

This is not only a collective call from developing countries for fair representation, but also exposes the structural imbalances in the current international financial governance system. The existing power structure of the IMF is still dominated by a select few developed countries, contrary to the reality of the global landscape.

Since its establishment in 1944, the IMF has changed its function from facilitating post-war reconstruction to maintaining global financial stability and managing crises. But its governance structure has not changed accordingly.

For instance, China, the world's second-largest economy, holds less than half the voting share in the IMF relative to its economic heft, while some smaller European countries continue to enjoy disproportionate influence due to some questionable or outdated factors determining the quota distribution formula, such as "openness". This inequitable distribution reflects systemic biases in the IMF's institutional design, which has long undermined the representation and voice of developing countries.

But the main obstacle to reforms is the US' veto power, owing to its more than 15 percent voting share. The United States uses this privilege to thwart any major decision requiring an 85 percent supermajority vote. The veto power has therefore become a tool for Washington to prevent any reform not in the interest of the US, or would undermine its global dominance.

BRICS' proposal for IMF reforms, however, is much more than protesting against representational inequity; it is a move by the Global South to reconstruct the international financial architecture in a way that would reflect the current global economic reality.

Countries such as Brazil and India have for years been calling for changing the IMF quota formula through platforms such as the G20 and the United Nations, arguing that the current system undervalues the economic contributions of developing countries while lacking transparency and fairness. African states, too, have demanded greater representation, emphasizing that their demographic weight and growth potential are still not reflected in the IMF's structure.

The IMF has been found lacking in fulfilling its duties. Its lending policy, for example, has long been criticized for overemphasizing the need for austerity, liberalization and privatization while ignoring countries' specific conditions — often exacerbating their economic distress. Research indicates that IMF programs often lead to declining incomes and heightened debt risks in targeted countries.
In particular, the 2008 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic have exposed the structural deficiencies of the IMF, including its sluggish approval process, inadequate funding capacity, and excessive conditions. These shortcomings have further eroded its credibility as the "lender of last resort".

For China, advancing IMF reforms is not merely about getting greater representation; it also relates to its influence in global governance. It's disproportionately limited voice within the IMF impedes its capacity to help shape international rules.

With finance increasingly becoming a tool to gain the upper hand in geopolitical competitions, the US' ability to leverage the IMF for policy coercion has sparked widespread concerns. Driving the IMF's reforms would help establish a more neutral and diversified financial support architecture, creating a more secure international financial environment for China and other developing nations.

For China, this process presents a dual opportunity of increasing its influence in the IMF while strengthening coordination with fellow emerging economies of the Global South. Concurrently, BRICS member states are adopting a two-pronged strategy: advocating for reforms within traditional mechanisms while building their own financial platforms. The New Development Bank has significantly expanded infrastructure financing for emerging markets and developing economies in recent years, becoming complementary to the existing financial system.

At the recent NDB annual meeting, Dilma Rousseff, president of the NDB, said global financial resource allocation remains severely imbalanced, and many developing countries are facing financing obstacles.

The NDB not only provides diversified financing channels but has also gained recognition for its more inclusive institutional design. It does not seek to replace the existing global financing system. Instead, it is exploring alternative approaches, for example, to reduce the reliance on traditional mechanisms and offering developing countries more options.

Therefore, the joint call for IMF reforms by BRICS members is a response to the shifting global power structure. The reforms must recalibrate the quota formula, break developed countries' monopoly over IMF's management, eliminate biases, and democratize the decision-making process, by, among other things, abolishing the US' veto privilege.

Through such measures, IMF can genuinely represent the interests of all the economies and transform itself into a cooperative platform for global stability and development.

Given the growing influence of the Global South, how international institutions reflect this shift has become a pivotal issue in global governance. Should developed countries continue to stall reforms, it would not only undermine the IMF's legitimacy but also prompt developing countries to more expeditiously turn to regional mechanisms such as the NDB and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, fostering a new, polycentric and pluralist global financial order.

In this process, leveraging its highly open market mechanisms, transparent institutional environment, and close ties with the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong is well-positioned to serve as a bridge in the restructuring of the global financial system.

BRICS members' call for IMF reforms represents a strategic response to the ongoing global power reconfiguration. In today's era of multipolarity, the IMF can maintain its international position only by reforming itself to become more representative and fair.

The author is the dean of the Belt and Road Research Institute at Hainan University, and chairman of the China Silk Road iValley Research Institute. The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

USA
Source: internationalaffairsreview.com

By Aditi Bhaduri

For awhile, the world’s attention has been focused on the high intensity Iran-Israel war. But an equally significant event took place around the same time in Astana, the capital of Kazakhstan. The second China-Central Asia summit took place with more than 27 agreements signed between China and Kazakhstan alone. That the Central Asian region is becoming extremely significant in international relations and sought after by the world’s great powers is evidenced by the fact that over the past couple of months alone there have been three such summits – the EU-Central Asia summit and the Italy-Central Asia summit being the other two.

Central Asia is emerging as the new El Dorado of the world. Countries and blocs are making a beeline for it – from China to the EU.

The recent India-Central Asia Business Council meet and the India-Central Asia Dialogue at the Foreign ministers’ level could not have come at a more opportune moment. It comes against the backdrop of Operation Sindoor, with India being a target of terrorism. In this, Central Asia understands fully India’s concerns and the joint statement reflected this, where all countries condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. But India also represents an enormous market and the great yet untapped trade potential that exists. Here, Kazakhstan stands out as the largest and most resource rich country in the region.

The recently held Astana International Forum (AIF) was an eye opener of sorts. Convened for the second year, it is a global platform meant to bring diverse voices for dialogue and cooperation on today’s most pressing challenges. The sheer breadth and range of the program, with heads of states from Africa to Europe, the hi-tech arrangements, the sophisticated infrastructure-all indicate a new power center in the world, often overlooked or undermined.

Kazakhstan’s unique geo-economic advantages

Kazakhstan is the 9th largest country in the world (2,724,900 km²), bordering Russia, China, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan as well as the Caspian Sea. It has a 20.6 million population, with a GDP in 2023 of $ 288.1 billion. The country’s economy grew by 6 % in January – April, 2025.

It is an extremely resource rich country, its economy dependent on oil, gas, uranium, coal, and gold. It has the world’s largest known uranium deposits, and 19 of the 34 types of raw materials needed for major economies, including uranium, titanium, copper, lithium, cobalt, tungsten and many others. Most recently new deposits of rare earth metals were discovered in the country, with initial estimates point to around one million tons of rare earth metals.

All this makes Kazakhstan an attractive destination for sourcing raw material.  India already has a long-standing agreement in place over the supply of uranium from Kazakhstan. However, the real opportunity for India is the fact that Kazakhstan faces challenges of low productivity and the dominance of extractive industries. This hinders economic diversification and growth.

Great Potential for India in Kazakhstan

Indian investments in Kazakhstan currently stand at approximately $500 million, a 40 per cent increase in 2024. This is, however, potential for much more. Now is the time for India to tap into Kazakhstan ‘s growth story and synergize with the country ‘s strength for mutual benefit.

In order to incentivise foreign investments, the government of Kazakhstan is consistently taking measures to improve investment climate and deepen investor confidence in the country. For instance, Kazakhstan has established an appropriate legislative base, by signing 49 bilateral and multilateral investment treaties to guarantee investors’ rights. The Government provides comprehensive support for investment projects, which includes fiscal incentives, like exemption from Corporate Income Tax, VAT, Land Tax, and other subsidies.

Now is the time for India to tap into Kazakhstan ‘s growth story and synergize with the country ‘s strength for mutual benefit.

Russia
Source: www.hse.ru

The BRICS Expert Council–Russia, based at HSE University and operating in collaboration with the HSE Institute of Education, has released an analytical report titled ‘The Transformation of General Education in BRICS Countries.’ The study explores how BRICS nations are addressing shared challenges, including equitable access to schooling, digital integration, support for inclusion, linguistic diversity, and intercultural dialogue.

Education is recognised as a key driver of sustainable development, social equity, and technological progress. In the context of global transformation, education is increasingly seen as a tool for shaping the future. It is therefore vital to understand how national education systems are being shaped in countries with different historical and cultural backgrounds, yet comparable scale and aspirations. This is particularly relevant for the BRICS group—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa—whose influence on the global education agenda continues to grow.

The report, prepared jointly by the BRICS Expert Council–Russia and the HSE Institute of Education, reveals how BRICS countries are taking distinct approaches to common challenges—from equalising access to school education and integrating digital technologies to addressing teacher shortages and promoting inclusion, linguistic diversity, and intercultural dialogue. It also touches on the sustainability of educational infrastructure and the evolving role of schools in fostering social cohesion.

Special attention is paid to how each country defines its strategic priorities without simply replicating external models. For example, India seeks a balance between modern labour market demands and the traditions of Vedic knowledge. South Africa’s education policy aims to overcome the legacy of segregation; meanwhile, Brazil focuses on embracing diversity as a core value. China and Russia concentrate on improving the quality and accessibility of education in remote areas.

The report underscores that BRICS education systems are advancing not in spite of their differences, but because of them. Diversity is seen not as a barrier but as a driver of growth—a foundation for developing flexible, resilient, and equitable models of education. This experience can offer valuable insights not only to BRICS members, but also to a wide range of countries seeking to rethink their approaches to schooling in light of social, cultural, and institutional realities.

BRICS education systems collectively account for roughly one-third of the global educational landscape. The accompanying infographic presents the scale and structure of school education in BRICS countries. The visual material is descriptive rather than comparative, focusing on two key dimensions:

1. The socio-economic and demographic context of each country
2. The structure of their national education systems

The presented data highlights both the diversity within the BRICS education systems and the common foundations that allow for experience sharing and idea exchange. This, in turn, helps address the mutual challenges these countries face in reforming school education.

Victoria Panova
‘The report explores the unique characteristics of the BRICS education systems,’ noted Victoria Panova, HSE Vice Rector, Head of the BRICS Expert Council–Russia. ‘Comprehensive, in-depth studies like this help us find solutions to pressing issues, promote knowledge exchange, and develop partnerships in the field of education. It is in this sphere that the diversity of BRICS countries becomes a major competitive advantage. BRICS has the potential to consolidate pioneering ideas, policy approaches, and educational experience from countries that together represent the global majority.’

Ivan Ivanov
‘This report is the first international study on the state and development of general education systems across the BRICS countries,’ explained Ivan Ivanov, Director of the Pinsky Centre of General and Extracurricular Education. ‘It emphasises the need for education policy to be adapted to local contexts while also supporting the advancement of inclusive schooling. BRICS countries play a vital role in global education and share key characteristics shaped by their distinct socio-economic and cultural conditions.’

Liesel Ebersöhn
‘Involving scholars from across the BRICS nations was key to the success of this study,’ said Liesel Ebersöhn, Director of the Centre for the Study of Resilience at the University of Pretoria. ‘The report offers compelling evidence that each country can respond to major global trends in ways that ensure positive learning and wellbeing. The contextual and cultural perspectives presented in the report demonstrate how meaningful educational practices can be developed in similar emerging economies, as well as in low- and middle-income countries.’

Vandana Saxena
‘Diversity is a defining feature of BRICS countries,’ stated Vandana Saxena, Professor at the University of Delhi (India). ‘This is reflected in national education policies and systemic efforts to expand opportunities for all citizens. Major challenges for education systems—and at the same time sources of potential—include territorial diversity, uneven population distribution, rural–urban disparities, and cultural traditions. Yet, as this study shows, governments and education systems in each BRICS country recognise the transformative power of education and are actively working to improve quality, while critically engaging with the need to support linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity, and their intersections with gender, class, and disability.’