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www.mid.ru Mr Dynkin,
Colleagues, Your Excellencies,
I see many friends in the audience. The tradition endures, and the Primakov Readings are becoming more popular with each passing year. This serves as a tribute to the memory of our teacher, Yevgeny Primakov, and showcases the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO)'s efforts to uphold his legacy and to promote the principles that he championed in international relations that are more pertinent today than ever.
Collaborative intellectual work is what we need today. Yevgeny Primakov initiated situational analyses, which were vastly popular among scholars and NGOs. These analyses were used to develop numerous proposals that were subsequently applied in practical diplomacy.
Global events are unfolding dynamically. To say so is an understatement. Many erstwhile "international relations constants," including major trends that are shaping the multipolar order, are being tested for strength and adequacy in the face of new realities. This process is intricate and all-encompassing. It did not begin yesterday and will take some time, even by historical standards. The outlines of a polycentric architecture have already begun to take shape.
We have frequently discussed the emergence of new global development centres, primarily in Asia and Eurasia, the increasing autonomy and self-awareness of many developing countries, and their refusal to blindly follow former colonial powers, which are gradually, but objectively, losing their power and influence. Everything Yevgeny Primakov wrote and spoke about insightfully many years ago is unfolding before our eyes.
From a historical perspective, multipolar systems are not new. They have existed in one form or another, such as during the Concert of Europe in the 19th century or between the two World Wars of the 20th century. Clearly, there were not many independent players on the world stage back then compared to today. Therefore, what could be considered the embryonic stages of multipolarity formed in a much narrower circle than the number of sovereign states we have today. After the Great Victory, the founders laid the foundation for multipolarity. The five most powerful nations became permanent members of the UN Security Council, reflecting the global balance of power and interests in 1945. In addition to the special position of the Big Five, the UN Charter embodies the principle of equal rights for all countries regardless of their size or the specifics of their history. Today, this is the cornerstone principle around which universal multipolarity will be built. The UN has fulfilled its primary role by preventing a new global war, but the noble idea of universal cooperation, equality, and prosperity did not come to pass. Cold War logic swiftly pushed the world toward division into opposing camps and ensuing opposition.
The key difference of the current edition of multipolarity is the chance to acquire genuinely global proportions, relying on the fundamental principle of the UN Charter: the sovereign equality of states. Previously, decisions of global importance were driven by a small group of countries with the predominant voice coming from the Western community, for obvious reasons. Today, new players representing the Global South and Global East have stepped onto the international political stage. Their numbers are growing. We rightfully call them the Global Majority. They are strengthening their sovereignty in addressing pressing issues, demonstrating independence, and prioritising their national interests rather than someone else's whims. To back this up, I will cite my Indian colleague, Minister for External Affairs Subrahmanyam Jaishankar who said that the world is much more than just Europe. Clearly, this statement means that the world is much more than the West. Russia consistently advocates the democratisation of relations between countries and a fairer distribution of global benefits.
There are many examples of how the trend towards multipolarity can be seen today, especially in the context of regional crises. This trend is prompting countries in different regions of the world to show solidarity. The current outbreak in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has become a catalyst for this solidarity as can be seen in the united actions of the Arab-Muslim world. Just last week, on November 21, an Arab League and an OIC delegation at the level of foreign ministers visited the capitals of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, including Moscow. At our meeting, we confirmed the need for an early and fair settlement of this conflict based on the two-state concept. This was the main signal sent by this joint delegation of the Arab League and the OIC to the capitals of the 'Five' and other UN member countries. Overall, the consensus in favour of the regional-solutions-to-regional-problems approach is increasingly gaining ground in the Middle East, Africa, the South Caucasus, Central Asia and Eurasia. The countries in the regions in question expect comprehensive support from outside players, not the imposition of foreign recipes. If a country wants to be helpful it should support the approaches drafted in a given region where those countries know much better how best to overcome various differences.
I will repeat it – the geopolitical ambitions of the new global players are buttressed by their economic potential. As President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin said at the G20 extraordinary summit on November 22 this year, a "significant portion of global investment, trade and consumer activity is shifting to the Asian, African and Latin American regions, which are home to the majority of the world's population." Since 2014, China has been the world's first economy in purchasing power parity (PPP) for the population. The aggregate GDP of the BRICS countries has exceeded that of the G7, and also in PPP, since last year. When the new members join BRICS and start fully participate in the activities of the association on January 1, 2024, this advantage over the G7 will become much greater.
In 2022, Russia was ranked fifth in the world in PPP, surpassing Germany despite the sanctions (or probably thanks to them).
The world is changing, and multilateral diplomacy reflects this. BRICS cooperation is one of the best examples of this. In this framework, countries representing different civilisations, religions and macro-regions are effectively developing ties in the most diverse areas – from politics and security to the economy, finances, healthcare, sports and culture. Proceeding from the principles of equality and mutual respect, they are reaching a balance of interests via consensus. Nobody is imposing anything on anybody, nobody is blackmailing anyone and nobody forces anyone to make the choice: "it's either us or them," "either you're with us or against us." It's no surprise that dozens of states want to get closer to BRICS. The summit in Johannesburg took the first step on this path. The number of BRICS members will actually double. Another 20 states have made similar inquiries or would like to establish special, privileged relations with this association. Next year, Russia will be chairing BRICS which will no longer be the 'Five.' We will do everything we can for BRICS to strengthen its stature in the international arena and to continue playing an increasingly greater role in creating a fair world arrangement.
The influence of BRICS members and like-minded nations within the G20 is on the rise. Recent G20 summits have reaffirmed the determination of the global majority countries not to let the West turn this forum, aimed at considering global financial and economic issues, into a tool to promote the narrow geopolitical objectives of the United States and its allies, as witnessed during the previous G20 summit, where they tried to focus exclusively on Ukraine. Similar attempts were made at the G20 summit in India, but failed. The summit focused on the core issues pursued by the G20 such as global economic and financial concerns, which dominated the resolutions adopted during the summit.
The SCO is also contributing to the emergence of a multipolar world. It aims to play a unifying role in shaping the Greater Eurasian Partnership, which is designed to harmonise diverse integration projects on the continent and remain open to all countries and organisations in Eurasia, including the EAEU, ASEAN, and others. This philosophy was put forward by President Vladimir Putin in 2015 at the first Russia-ASEAN summit and is gaining increasing recognition. Many countries wish to either become full members or obtain observer or partner status with the SCO and with BRICS.
Western politicians, albeit unwillingly, are beginning to acknowledge and absorb the new reality and are becoming aware of the end of unipolarity. Addressing the annual meeting of French ambassadors in late August, President of France Emmanuel Macron stated that the geopolitical balance of power is shifting away from the West. He presented this as a danger. In other words, the expansion of the aggressive NATO bloc is a "good" thing while the expansion of peaceable BRICS is viewed as a "threat." Clearly, this kind of a mindset runs deep, and one cannot rid oneself of these instincts overnight. We see the West making every effort to retain the remnants of its dominance, resorting to overtly neo-colonial methods that are met by the Global Majority with rejection. The goal of the West is simple and at the same time cynical. It is to continue reaping the benefits of global politics, the economy, and trade and live off of other nations' resources. Like the overwhelming majority of other countries, Russia will not accept these plans.
In chasing their goals, the United States and its European allies employ a versatile geopolitical "engineering" toolset, including the provoking of conflicts (as seen along the entire perimeter of Russia's borders), conducting information and psychological warfare, and initiating trade and economic wars. The actions of the Western powers have led to blocking the activities of the World Trade Organisation, primarily its dispute resolution mechanisms. Fundamental legal foundations of global economic relations, such as free competition and the inviolability of property rights, have been undermined. The dollar has long been used as a weapon, and economic interdependence is being "weaponised" as well.
The destructive actions of the Western minority have largely beaten their purpose, as they foster multipolar principles in international affairs. There is a growing understanding that no one is immune to the aggressive actions of Washington and Brussels.
Not just Russia but many other states are consistently reducing their dependence on Western currencies, transitioning to alternative mechanisms for conducting foreign trade transactions and working towards building new international transport corridors and value chains.
The unbalanced and unfair model of globalisation, where the golden billion enjoyed most of the benefits, is becoming a thing of the past. The participants in the Forum of the Opponents of Modern Neo-Colonial Practices will discuss concrete goals for democratising the global economic order. The forum, hosted by the United Russia party, is scheduled for early 2024.
This is just one of the many initiatives our country will promote to advance the principles of the Foreign Policy Concept, which was substantively revised in March to reflect the new geopolitical reality. The emerging polycentric architecture should be inclusive and cooperative, rather than confrontational and should serve as a safeguard against dangerous conflicts between global powers.
The idea of creating a global concept based on universally recognised principles and norms of international law, as well as respect for the cultural and civilisational diversity of the modern world and the right of nations to determine their own development paths, is shared by all countries.
This work does not need to start from scratch. The foundation for a just and sustainable world already exists − the UN Charter. Its provisions should be fully and comprehensively adhered to, rather than selectively chosen, as some of our Western colleagues do when they pick and choose Charter principles to suit their immediate agendas. Undoubtedly, the United Nations should be carefully adapted to modern realities, with the reform of the Security Council being a top priority. It is important to address historical injustices that have arisen after the completion of the decolonisation process and the emergence of numerous young and modern states. These realities should be reflected in the membership of the UN Security Council. New members should come from developing regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. They should hold authority in their respective parts of the world and in global organisations such as the Non-Aligned Movement, or the Group of 77.
International associations of a new type, which address all issues based on a balance of interests and consensus, play a crucial role in creating multipolarity. Along with BRICS, the SCO, and the EAEU, this includes the CSTO, the CIS, as well as ASEAN, the African Union, CELAC, the GCC, the LAS, and the OIC.Unfortunately, I have a pessimistic view regarding the future of alliances led by the United States and their allies – NATO, the EU, the Group of 77, and even the Council of Europe and the OSCE. The latter two were originally created as platforms for an inclusive and respectful pan-European dialogue. However, they are now being forced to serve the European Union and NATO and have become insignificant structures used by the West for self-serving political agendas.
There is still a slim chance for the OSCE to be saved, but I must admit that the odds are not in its favour. In his remarks at the annual meeting of the Valdai Club on October 5, President Putin outlined several key principles for a more just and democratic order. These principles include openness and connectivity without communication barriers, respect for diversity as a foundation for collaborative development, broad representation in global governance, universal security based on a balance of interests, fair access to the benefits of progress, and equality for all − rejecting the dominance of the rich and powerful. I am confident that these approaches resonate with sensible individuals who have a stake or interest in international issues.
With this understanding of multipolarity, we will continue to fight for truth and justice. We believe the voice of every country, regardless of its size, political structure, or level of economic development, must be heard. . In essence, we will uphold the values enshrined in the UN Charter in 1945. We will maintain close coordination with our allies and like-minded partners in the Global South and Global East. We will not close the door or window (President Putin made this clear recently) or shut out those in the historical West who are becoming aware of the realities and objective challenges of multipolarity, as articulated by Yevgeny Primakov some time ago.
In the realm of diplomacy, our focus will be to ensure a consistent interpretation and practical application of all principles outlined in the UN Charter − a crucial aspect of our policy.
Furthermore, we will continue to work on expanding the membership of the New York-based Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter, initiated by Venezuela, which is a promising alliance. This group currently consists of 20 states, and more countries are interested in joining its ranks.
We will work consistently to strengthen other associations which contribute to the democratisation of international relations. For this, we always remain open to a candid and serious dialogue with anyone who values their national interests and is ready to reciprocate.
Question: We have been publishing the Russia Today newspaper for about 30 years, and China Today for 15 years. Our group extensively covers the progress in relations between Russia, India, and China, as well as the unprecedented expansion of BRICS. The world centered around America is facing its end before our eyes, but it is still resisting.
We see the North Atlantic alliance expanding to the east, in the Asia Pacific region (there is even talk about a Pacific NATO). This poses a threat to global security. What will be the response from Russia, China, BRICS, and all organisations that oppose such aggressive behavior?
Sergey Lavrov: We are witnessing neo-colonial instincts in the West. There is a desire to continue living at the expense of others, as they have been doing for over 500 years. It is clear to everyone that this epoch is coming to an end. They are aware of that. Some people refer to the current Western attempts to preserve its hegemony as the agony of that epoch. This comparison has a right to exist, but the epoch will last long. It is not as if you wake up and see new fair rules in the world economy.
The USA remains a powerful nation with a huge economy. The European Union has not lost its weight yet, although the process is underway and will accelerate. Due to certain circumstances, Russia has not been deeply involved in the globalisation model advanced and offered for everyone by the Americans, who literally say: "Use it!" Allegedly, all that was not done for them alone, and the dollar is a currency for everyone. Plus, all the other principles: property, presumption of innocence, and international law, which should be universally acceptable and applicable.
All of that has been trampled upon and dumped instantaneously the moment they decided to "punish" the Russian Federation. The plan is to turn Ukraine into a direct threat to Russia, including the destruction and elimination of anything Russian in that country. The US and the UK planned to build naval bases on the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. The plan failed, and we responded the way we did. And it didn't happen overnight. We had been warning them for over eight years. We proposed treaties on European security that would provide stability on the continent without any expansion of military-political blocs. We were ready not to expand the CSTO. This has been going on since 2009.
In December 2021, at Russian President Vladimir Putin's instruction, we handed over new and final proposals to the US, which were rejected. We were told, "What sort of security do you want?" Allegedly, legally guaranteed security can only be provided within NATO. The same answer was repeated when we reminded them that at the OSCE meeting in Astana in 2010, they had put their signature under the principle of indivisible security, according to which no organisation is entitled to dominate. This is exactly what they are doing.We asked why they were unwilling to provide legally binding guarantees to everyone, given that all OSCE members were in favor of it. Some junior diplomats in Brussels and Washington told us that they don't care a dime about what presidents and prime ministers, including their own, decided on indivisible security at OSCE summits – legal security guarantees are only available for NATO members. Therefore, they are trying to make the alliance more appealing and attract new members, despite their earlier promises.
Russia was not deeply integrated into that model of globalisation. Our trade turnover with the US was insignificant. It was significant with the EU, but this is a story that began back in Soviet times. They tried to obstruct our cooperation, but it prevailed and became the foundation for Europe's prosperity and a solution to its socioeconomic problems at an unprecedented level.
We worked with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, but we were not as deeply involved in those systems as China or India, for example. Now they realise that they need to stand up for their independence. There are no doubts about that. We discuss this topic within BRICS and the SCO. Alternative payment platforms are being introduced, and the transition to national currency is progressing rapidly. However, New Delhi and Beijing are concerned about their interests and they see that their economies would suffer if they leave that system and start building new structures.
There has been a gradual shift away from dependence on the dollar, payment systems, and supply chains that the West is creating. Nobody knows what will happen with the new US president in five or six years, which agreements he will withdraw from and which new ones he will advocate for. They have abandoned universal trade agreements in Asia and begun creating their own without China.
India and China have understood this message and are starting to move towards reducing their dependence on the lawlessness of the creators of this model of globalisation, who still play a major role in it. This will not happen quickly and abruptly, as was the case with us. We were forced to act decisively and on a large scale in response to over 11,000 sanctions aimed at suffocating the Russian economy and worsening the living conditions of the people, with the hopes that they would rise up and revolt. They openly say that this is exactly what they want. If we look at the statistics on China's dollar reserves from three years ago and now, the situation speaks for itself. I believe our Indian friends are considering similar approaches. Nobody wants to become another hostage to a geopolitical nervous breakdown.We are not pressuring anyone. There are the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, BRICS, and other structures. There are relations between the EAEU and the SCO, ASEAN, and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Sustainable forms of cooperation and servicing our economies are being discussed naturally, without being forced, at a grassroots level. The process is ongoing, but it will be a lasting one.
Question: The possibility of introducing of a common currency within BRICS was extensively discussed at the BRICS summit this year. With Russia presiding over BRICS in 2024, will it raise this issue again? Are there any similar plans within the SCO?
Sergey Lavrov: It was one of the most discussed issues at the BRICS summit in Johannesburg. President of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva paid a great deal of attention to it. It did not surprise anyone, because when he became president again, before the summit, he called for working on the creation if not of a common currency, then at least a mechanism where national currencies would play a decisive role. He suggested doing it within CELAC and BRICS.
As a result of these discussions, the association heads of state adopted a Declaration in Johannesburg, instructing finance ministers and central bank governors to prepare recommendations on alternative payment systems. We anticipate that these recommendations will be presented in 2024, and as Russia assumes the BRICS chairmanship, we will organise its thorough review with a focus on decision-making. In the SCO, there have been discussions on common payment platforms, but concrete instructions have not been developed yet.
National currencies are increasingly replacing the dollar in our settlements with the People's Republic of China (up to 90 percent of payments are conducted in roubles and yuan). With India, it is either close to or slightly above 50 percent. The same figures hold true for all the other members of these associations.